The struggle of the Workers.

*THE WORKER*

Brisbane, March 2, 1895.

The Editorial Mill.

Our Motto: “Socialism in our time.”

In all the long history of the struggles of the workers against the oppression of their masters, the bitter fight for existence on the part of producers against the exploiters who produce nothing, the story of which forums, as Karl Marx showed, “the whole of mankind,” it has ever been that when the toilers became rampant, threatening to shake off the shackles that bound them and assert once and for all their own industrial freedom and that of the whole civilised world. At the same time some cute boodler, more cunning than his fellows, has raised some parrot cry which, deluding the toiling masses, has effectually turned them from the immediate pursuit of their own emancipation, and will-o'-the-wisp like, lured them yet deeper into the sloughs. How “history repeats itself.” The Chartists in England, rising to secure “their own” and menacing the supremacy of the new Machinery Lords, who themselves were beginning to overwhelm all other Lords were cunningly and basely deluded by those leaders of the new plutocracy, Richard Cobden and John Bright, with their cry of “Freetrade and the Cheap Loaf.” Snatching at the phantom shadow the Chartists found only too late that the Cheap Loaf with Lower Wages left them little better off than before. The “dear loaf” meant higher wages, since the worker must live and must always be allowed by those for whom he toils sufficient to exist upon, whether bread be cheap or dear, otherwise the game of the thieves would end. The worker would die and could toil for others no more. Which is just why they are always allowed to exist, and maintained in just sufficient health and strength to toil – providing they are not too numerous. Then the weaklings had better die off, because, if they can't work, their existence is is still a charge upon the poor-rates in England or government charity in the Workingman's Paradise, and these funds are taken from the profits which the workers make for those who employ them.

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And so in Queensland in 1888. Up to that period the workers bid fair to shortly lead the van in the world's progress towards industrial (which includes political) freedom. “Socialism in our time” then looked practicable and immediately near for Queensland. “Leading politicians” were coquetting with “labour” questions, and the learned author of Wealth and Want” talked knowingly and feelingly of “securing to the workers the full proceeds of their toil.” But again were the masses deluded. And this time, forsooth, by the bloated M'Ilwraith, with his talk of “Nationalism” and his promised “big loaf.” It is remarkable how all these “leading politicians” attain office and power by “playing down” (as they call it) to the workers. Making endless promises without the slightest intention of keeping them – unless it should afterwards happen to suit them – and once securely entrenched, defying the very people who placed and maintain them in their “exalted” positions.

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In New South Wales last year a fat but aspiring “leading politician” attained power and is to-day Premier of that colony by this very process. “Planks” of the labour Platform were adopted by this unctuous “leader,” and advocated with unblushing audacity and their immediate fulfilment brazenly promised. So “advanced” was this new political “democrat” that a section even of the plutocrats were deceived, and set themselves about forming a “Property Defence Association” to resist the monstrous Land Tax proposals of Mr. “Wriggler” Reid. Fools they were for their pains. Mr. Reid fixed up his new ministry in the best drawing room of Sydney Burdekin, the millionaire landowner, who would be called upon to pay something like sixty thousand pounds a year (£3000 a month) additional taxation under the original taxation proposals of Mr. Reid. If the silly members of the Property defence Association were frightened, Burdekin wasn't. Not much! He knew his man and that his rents were safe in the hands of the victorious schemer. “Wriggler” Reid had no sooner achieved victory at the polls than his 4d. in the £ (with the hope that a 1/2d. would suffer) substituted. Before the election, the land tax was to be an accomplished fact immediately, and the first thing to be tackled. Before the re-election of the new ministers the land tax had been shunted a long way down the platform in favour of “more urgent and important matters.” On the assembling of the new Parliament the vaunted land tax was promptly shunted further still – into “next session.” And now “next session” is to be completely over shadowed and, if possible, for ever lost sight of in the glorious effulgence of the great cause of Federation. What matters it that Chameleon Reid has been the most bitter and consistent opponent of Federation. Do not all the great “leading politicians” changes sides with the course of events, while their logic so gracefully fits the times and reconciles changes that to common minds would be inconceivable. Why, look at Parkes and Dibbs, M'Ilwraith and our own Griffith, Gillies and Patterson, and all the noble procession of great “statement” of whom proud Australia boasts, and whose records of broken pledges and faithless deeds have brought honourable distinction to our grateful country and to these great men from an Imperial throne.

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Sir Henry Parkes, speaking in this connection the other day, said:

Mr. Reid I regard simply as a babbling lunatic, who could not serve the colony even if he had any honest desire to do so. He lacks capacity, acquaintance with the country, with the principles of government, and with the English people. You may use that if you like.

And if anybody knows Reid, Parkes ought to. Reid himself says:

The fortune of war has placed the cause of federation in my hands, and it only remains for me to exert myself loyally and to the best of my ability to secure the great consummation.

And maybe he is about right. But although Reid just now is the temporary leader, it must not be supposed that it means anything to him more than a means to retain office, while shelving the land tax and going back on all his most solemn promises. By its aid he hopes to do this, but further, the glittering prospect of office at the head of a Federal Government, should he succeed, has now begun to dazzle his eyes, and for success he will become anything. For the deeper meaning of Federation we must look back to the Federal Convention of 1890 and to Parkes and Griffith as as the “devil's advocates,” whose rhetoric and specious arguments have blinded so successfully so many of the workers and infatuated them with a desire for what will only mean a worse enthralment than now holds them.

* * *

We see how, to-day, this cry of Federation – which will leave the workers just as hungry and just as ill-clad and just as poor as ever – is being used in N.S.W. to stem the tide of reform and to baulk the will of the people. And the people of Queensland should see to it that this same cry is not raised with far more sinister intent. Reform is difficult enough to effect as things are, with our cumbrous and effete Parliamentary methods. But what will it be when these “checks to hasty legislation” are multiplied; when Federal “Constitution” blocks the way and when the would-be advances of an awakened community can and will be blocked by other colonies which yet in ignorance, rest in the grip of the capitalistic classes? Organised Capital controls the machinery of Government and the physical forces, supplied and maintained by the people, to be turned against the latter whenever the interests of the employers demand. In the bush strike of 1891 the whole military and police forces of Queensland were utilised by the organised employers to defeat the resistance of the bush workers against a further reduction of the standard of living. Some difficulty was experienced where men hesitated to fight against their fellow workers. But given a Federal Union of Australia and Federal Troops would be available at the hands of the Banks (who really employ the employers) to vanquish and subdue the workers in either colony. There would be less reluctance on the part of hirelings from other colonies to fight the white workers here than there was on the part of the Defence Force men in '91 to fight their fellow unionists, as many of the bushmen were. And if for no other reason than this, that the physical forces at the command of the Federal Capitalistic Government would be sufficient to enable the employers' unions to crush the workers wherever they raised their heads to demand better conditions. Federation, as it is now proposed, and upon the conditions on which it now can only be obtained, should be resisted to the utmost.

* * *

We have “constitooshuns” enough to block us now at every turn. Let us resist all efforts to multiply these frightful encumbrances until the people in most of the colonies have risen supreme. Then it will be time enough to frame one constitution which shall be elastic enough to permit any and every reform or change which the people may demand. And while all this time is being wasted over a useless effort to manufacture a constitution that will be out of date and in need of complete amendment as soon as obtained, all the pressing needs of the workers everywhere are to be shelved. Sixty thousand unemployed men stalk about New South Wales, while a Premier, pledged to settle their difficulty at once, makes this useless Federation his first business and wastes the time of Parliament upon it.

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Observe how this “Conference of Premiers” proposes to bring this mighty business to pass, While two or three Premiers were willing to allow the members of the proposed convention, who are to draft the new constitution, to be elected on the basis of one man one vote, they were overborne by the remaining double-dyed Tories, including Premier Nelson, it was eventually decided that the elections were “to be conducted under the franchise by which members are returned to the representative assemblies.” We know what this means in Queensland under the Tozerian system, where 2 out of every 3 male adults have no vote at all; 2 out of the remaining 3 – being workers – have one vote each; while the remaining 1, by the female vote, is enabled to outvote the 2 who, having votes, are nevertheless in many causes prevented from exercising them. How it worked out at the last general election we all knew and Nelson knows too.

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Almost as vehement as Mr. Nelson against the people having any voice in the matter was Sir John Forest, of West Australia, of whom Premier Reid says: “His attitude was contemptuous and hostile to any scheme for a popularly elected convention.” The character of this beautiful scheme may easily be judged when it is reported that “As the bill was originally drafted by Mr. Kingston it was regarded by Mr. Turner as a little too Democratic,” so it was amended “in the direction of making it more acceptable to the legislative councils.” That is to say that the people of this and all colonies are to voluntarily submit to be enthralled by a Federal Convention elected under a bill which is first of all to be made “acceptable to the legislative councils.” The convention, elected in this way, is to finally frame the precious constitution and “within 14 days of the conclusion of the labours of the convention the referendum is to be taken,” the various colonies having the right only to either accept or reject it without further amendment. But although in two or three of the colonies the referendum may be permitted, it will be seen from the attitude of Sir John Forest and Mr. Nelson that this reference to the people will not be universal. The report of the conference states that “Mr. Nelson, Premier of Queensland, is still determined to secure the ratification of the constitution by whatever means the Queensland Parliament thinks desirable, irrespective of the referendum resolution.” What Parliaments in Queensland can do is best judged by what they have done in the past. The fact is that should Federation be accomplished in the near future, with such men as Nelson, Tozer and Byrnes in power, Queensland will have no voice whatever in the matter, but will simply have in future to submit to the Reids, Turners and Forests of the other colonies as well as native despots, and her “last state will be worse than the first.” The workers should clearly see that they have some chance of fighting the employers in sections, but against a capitalistic federation backed by federal hireling troops, the fight for better conditions under which to live will be an almost hopeless struggle for years to come. Let us first raise ourselves to the level of free men and then, as a free nation, hold out the hand of fellowship to our brethren everywhere, just as we do now in our bondage of wage-slavery. Meanwhile let us insist that our Parliament gives its immediate attention to our more pressing needs, or prepare to send it to limbo at the earliest possible.