The Upper House?

*THE WORKER*

Brisbane November 24, 1894.

THE UPPER HOUSE.

Mend or End It.

The same old farce still goes on, which has been enacted and re-enacted countless times ever since the brilliant idea having a second chamber, likened to the House of Peers, to control the over hastiness of the people's representatives was conceived by the founders of our Constitution. Ripening in years this chamber's deeds multiply in heinousness. The memory of past victories lend it courage, and urge it on to further tamperings of the people's will. And so an Upper House daily becomes more distasteful to all true democrats. In N.S.W., at the present time, the evils attendant on this dual system of irresponsibility are making themselves clearly apparent. Professedly the present Ministry is one of the most democratic that the mother colony has ever had. But it is already beginning to display a want of thoroughness in striking at the root of the evil, with which it is beset, which leaves a suspicion that its advocacy of advanced legislation arises more from personal ends than from any desire to really benefit the condition of the masses. But even if it desired advanced legislation to become law it is labouring under peculiarly discouraging circumstances. With an Upper House absolutely defiant and ready to crush out of existence the life of any of its measures; or, at any rate those supported by the democratic side of the House, the task of the Premier in endeavouring to improve the social condition of the people is a difficult one indeed. He has shown a manifest desire to bring into law an amended Land bill, which was demanded in no measured terms by the voice of the people as expressed in the last general elections. On this plank perhaps more than on all others he owed his accession to power.

With his colleagues he has laboured strenuously to accomplish this task; to what end? Have we not already seen the little navigation Act which trampled on but insignificant privileges ignominiously slaughted by a truculent Upper House? And if that is so what must be expected to be the fate of the Land Bill when it comes to be considered by that august body, the stronghold of monopoly and class privilege? It is likely that this measure will be shelved for an indefinite period, as has been the fate of so many of its predecessors, for at present the rights of tenure of the great financial institutions are not sufficiently durable to please the sleek usurer's mind. But shorn of everything democratic, butchered, boiled down, disguised and mutilated into unrecognisibility it will be, or the chamber will not act in its usual high traditional manner. While apparently recognising the uselessness of their present task the Government has done nothing. The Premier has certainly talked a lot about the uncompromising attitude of the Upper House towards the Government. It no doubt has been very annoying to him to have to submit to the dictation of that antiquated body. That he is feeling sore is plain from his utterances at several functions that he has recently attended when no call arose for his bringing up this matter at all. Letters from members of the Legislative Council in the press also clearly prove that no love is lost between them and the present Ministry. Sir Geo, Dibbs – the tyrant – suited them better, his political backbone bending easier towards their money grasping ways. But whatever Mr. Reid may have said it does not bring him one whit nearer the desired end. He still goes on wasting the people's time endeavouring to get the Land Bill through without in any way providing for its ultimately becoming law in other than an emasculated form. He does not seem to realise, or at any rate will not admit, that the only chance he has is in devoting the whole of his energies towards the reconstruction of the House which has stood for so long now as a barrier to progress, which has assisted in arousing so many bitter disputes between employer and employed, and which has in every way outlived its period of usefulness – if such a period, indeed, ever existed.

But there is another evil which it has brought into existence, one which is of very serious import to the Democratic mind. That is the fact that it enables any Government, tottering in its fall and clutching to the reins of office with a feeble and relaxing grasp to remain in power long after its doom has been politically sealed, by a systematic pandering to the Labour Party, which holds, it may be, the balance of power. Thus, while in appearance, doing all it can to forward Democratic legislation, in reality the Government is praying to God that bills of its own fathering may be thrown out by the higher tribunal which the constitution so wisely provides to check hasty legislation and to keep for them for a few months longer the sweets and and emoluments of office. In this way Labour knows not who are its enemies and who its friends. Blinded by these professions of support it is forced to content itself with awarding its votes to the side that promises most. But with the Upper House either abolished altogether or else made directly responsible to the people, placing Labour on the same footing as Capital by doing away with all property qualifications, then and then only will the reform party have a chance of doing effective work.

In New South Wales, in Queensland, and in each of the other colonies which has any pretensions to a Labour party in politics the support that is granted for concessions must see that the first concession is a genuine desire on the part of the party promising to have a slant at the Upper House.

VERA.